In September of

1862, President Abraham Lincoln announced the Emancipation Proclamation, which would take effect January 1, 1863, and free slaves in those states or regions still in rebellion against the Union. If any southern state returned to the Union between September and January, whites in that state theoretically would not lose ownership of their slaves. Despite its limits, free blacks, slaves, and abolitionists across the country hailed it as one of the most important actions on behalf of freedom in the nation's history. The Emancipation Proclamation brought formal recognition that the war was being fought, at least in part, on behalf of black freedom and equality.

The enactment of the Emancipation Proclamation in January 1863 capped two years of increasing support for emancipation in New York City. Although Republicans attempted to keep abolitionists from taking a leading role in New York's antislavery politics during the early years of the war, by 1862 abolitionist speakers drew huge audiences, black and white, in the city. Increasing support for the abolitionists and for emancipation led to anxiety among New York's white proslavery supporters of the Democratic Party, particularly the Irish. From the time of Lincoln's election in 1860, the Democratic Party had warned New York's Irish and German residents to prepare for the emancipation of slaves and the resultant labor competition when southern blacks would supposedly flee north. To these New Yorkers, the Emancipation Proclamation was confirmation of their worst fears. In March 1863, fuel was added to the fire in the form of a stricter federal draft law. All male citizens between twenty and thirty-five and all unmarried men between thirty-five and forty-five years of age were subject to military duty. The federal government entered all eligible men into a lottery. Those who could afford to hire a substitute or pay the government three hundred dollars might avoid enlistment. Blacks, who were not considered citizens, were exempt from the draft.

In the month preceding the July 1863 lottery, in a pattern similar to the 1834 anti-abolition riots, antiwar newspaper editors published inflammatory attacks on the draft law aimed at inciting the white working class. They criticized the federal government's intrusion into local affairs on behalf of the "nigger war." Democratic Party leaders raised the specter of a New York deluged with southern blacks in the aftermath of the Emancipation Proclamation. White workers compared their value unfavorably to that of southern slaves, stating that "[we] are sold for $300 [the price of exemption from war service] whilst they pay $1000 for negroes." In the midst of war-time economic distress, they believed that their political leverage and economic status was rapidly declining as blacks appeared to be gaining power. On Saturday, July 11, 1863, the first lottery of the conscription law was held. For twenty-four hours the city remained quiet. On Monday, July 13, 1863, between 6 and 7 A.M., the five days of mayhem and bloodshed that would be known as the Civil War Draft Riots began.

The rioters' targets initially included only military and governmental buildings, symbols of the unfairness of the draft. Mobs attacked only those individuals who interfered with their actions. But by afternoon of the first day, some of the rioters had turned to attacks on black people, and on things symbolic of black political, economic, and social power. Rioters attacked a black fruit vendor and a nine-year-old boy at the corner of Broadway and Chambers Street before moving to the Colored Orphan Asylum on Fifth Avenue between Forty-Third and Forty-Fourth Streets. By the spring of 1863, the managers had built a home large enough to house over two hundred children. Financially stable and well-stocked with food, clothing, and other provisions, the four-story orphanage at its location on Fifth Avenue and Forty-Second Street was an imposing symbol of white charity toward blacks and black upward mobility. At 4 P.M. on July 13, "the children numbering 233, were quietly seated in their school rooms, playing in the nursery, or reclining on a sick bed in the Hospital when an infuriated mob, consisting of several thousand men, women and children, armed with clubs, brick bats etc. advanced upon the Institution." The crowd took as much of the bedding, clothing, food, and other transportable articles as they could and set fire to the building. John Decker, chief engineer of the fire department, was on hand, but firefighters were unable to save the building. The destruction took twenty minutes.

In the meantime, the superintendent and matron of the asylum assembled the children and led them out toForty-Fourth Street. Miraculously, the mob refrained from assaulting the children. But when an Irish observer of the scene called out, "If there is a man among you, with a heart within him come and help these poor children," the mob "laid hold of him, and appeared ready to tear him to pieces." The children made their way to the Thirty-Fifth Street Police Station, where they remained for three days and nights before moving to the almshouse on Blackwell's Island—ironically, the very place from which the orphanage's founders had hoped to keep black children when they built the asylum almost thirty years earlier.

The Irish man who castigated the mob for not helping the black children was not the only white person punished by rioters for seeming overly sympathetic to blacks. Throughout the week of riots, mobs harassed and sometimes killed blacks and their supporters and destroyed their property. Rioters burned the home of Abby Hopper Gibbons, prison reformer and daughter of abolitionist Isaac Hopper. They also attacked white "amalgamationists," such as Ann Derrickson and Ann Martin, two women who were married to black men; and Mary Burke, a white prostitute who catered to black men. Near the docks, tensions that had been brewing since the mid-1850s between white longshoremen and black workers boiled over. As recently as March of 1863, white employers had hired blacks as longshoremen, with whom Irish men refused to work. An Irish mob then attacked two hundred blacks who were working on the docks, while other rioters went into the streets in search of "all the negro porters, cartmen and laborers . . . they could find." They were routed by the police. But in July 1863, white longshoremen took advantage of the chaos of the Draft Riots to attempt to remove all evidence of a black and interracial social life from area near the docks. White dockworkers attacked and destroyed brothels, dance halls, boarding houses, and tenements that catered to blacks; mobs stripped the clothing off the white owners of these businesses.

Black men and black women were attacked, but the rioters singled out the men for special violence. On the waterfront, they hanged William Jones and then burned his body. White dock workers also beat and nearly drowned Charles Jackson, and they beat Jeremiah Robinson to death and threw his body in the river. Rioters also made a sport of mutilating the black men's bodies, sometimes sexually. A group of white men and boys mortally attacked black sailor William Williams—jumping on his chest, plunging a knife into him, smashing his body with stones—while a crowd of men, women, and children watched. None intervened, and when the mob was done with Williams, they cheered, pledging "vengeance on every nigger in New York." A white laborer, George Glass, rousted black coachman Abraham Franklin from his apartment and dragged him through the streets. A crowd gathered and hanged Franklin from a lamppost as they cheered for Jefferson Davis, the Confederate president. After the mob pulled Franklin's body from the lamppost, a sixteen-year-old Irish man, Patrick Butler, dragged the body through the streets by its genitals. Black men who tried to defend themselves fared no better. The crowds were pitiless. After James Costello shot at and fled from a white attacker, six white men beat, stomped, kicked, and stoned him before hanging him from a lamppost.

With these actions white workers enacted their desires to eradicate the working-class black male presence from the city. The Longshoreman's Association, a white labor union, patrolled the piers during the riots, insisting that "the colored people must and shall be driven to other parts of industry." But "other parts of industry," such as cartmen and hack drivers, not to mention skilled artisans, also sought to exclude black workers. The riots gave all these workers license to physically remove blacks not only from worksites, but also from neighborhoods and leisure spaces. The rioters' actions also indicate the degree to which the sensational journalists and reformers of the 1840s and 1850s had achieved their goals of convincing whites, and particularly the Irish, that interracial socializing and marriage were evil and degrading practices. The riots unequivocally divided white workers from blacks. The act of rioting may itself have released guilt and shame over former interracial pleasures. Finally, and most simply, white workers asserted their superiority over blacks through the riots. The Civil War and the rise of the Republican Party and Lincoln to power indicated to New York's largely Democratic white workers a reversal of power in the nation; black labor competition indicated a reversal of fortunes in New York City itself. White workers sought to remedy their upside-down world through mob violence.

Ironically, the most well known center of black and interracial social life, the Five Points, was relatively quiet during the riots. Mobs neither attacked the brothels there nor killed black people within its borders. There were also instances of interracial cooperation. When a mob threatened black drugstore owner Philip White in his store at the corner of Gold and Frankfurt Street, his Irish neighbors drove the mob away, for he had often extended them credit. And when rioters invaded Hart's Alley and became trapped at its dead end, the black and white residents of the alley together leaned out of their windows and poured hot starch on them, driving them from the neighborhood. But such incidents were few compared to the widespread hatred of blacks expressed during and after the riots.

New York City Draft Riots
(July 11-13, 1863)

"The nation is at this time in a state of Revolution, North, South, East, and West," wrote the Washington Times during the often violent protests that occurred after Abraham Lincoln issued the March 3, 1863, Enrollment Act of Conscription. Although demonstrations took place in many Northern cities, the riots that broke out in New York City were both the most violent and the most publicized.
        With a large and powerful Democratic party operating in the city, a dramatic show of dissent had been long in the making. The state's popular governor, Democrat Horatio Seymour, openly despised Lincoln and his policies. In addition, the Enrollment Act shocked a population already tired of the two-year-old war.
        By the time the names of the first draftees were drawn in New York City on July 11, reports about the carnage of Gettysburg had been published in city papers. Lincoln's call for 300,000 more young men to fight a seemingly endless war frightened even those who supported the Union cause. Moreover, the Enrollment Act contained several exemptions, including the payment of a "commutation fee" that allowed wealthier and more influential citizens to buy their way out of service.
        Perhaps no group was more resentful of these inequities than the Irish immigrants populating the slums of northeastern cities. Poor and more than a little prejudiced against blacks-with whom they were both unfamiliar and forced to compete for the lowest-paying jobs-the Irish in New York objected to fighting on their behalf.
        On Sunday, June 12, the names of the draftees drawn the day before by the Provost Marshall were published in newspapers. Within hours, groups of irate citizens, many of them Irish immigrants, banded together across the city. Eventually numbering some 50,000 people, the mob terrorized neighborhoods on the East Side of New York for three days looting scores of stores. Blacks were the targets of most attacks on citizens; several lynchings and beatings occurred. In addition, a black church and orphanage were burned to the ground.
        All in all, the mob caused more than $1.5 million of damage. The number killed or wounded during the riot is unknown, but estimates range from two dozen to nearly 100. Eventually, Lincoln deployed combat troops from the Federal Army of the Potomac to restore order; they remained encamped around the city for several weeks. In the end, the draft raised only about 150,000 troops throughout the North, about three-quarters of them substitutes, amounting to just one-fifth of the total Union force.
Source: The Civil War Society's "Encyclopedia of the Civil War"

Reports of Mr. Edward S. Sanford, U. S. Military Telegraph Service.
JULY 13-16, 1863.--Draft Riots in New York City, Troy, and Boston
O.R.-- SERIES I--VOLUME XXVII/2 [S# 44]

NEW YORK, July 13, 1863.
(Received 12.10 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON.

        SIR: What is represented as a serious riot is now taking place on Third avenue, at the provost-marshal's office. The office is said to have been burned, and the adjoining block to be on fire. Our wires in that direction have all been torn down. A report just in says the regulars from Governor's Island have been ordered to the vicinity.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 13, 1863.
(Received 2.30 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The riot has assumed serious proportions, and is entirely beyond the control of the police. Superintendent Kennedy is badly injured. So far the rioters have everything their own way. They are estimated at from 30,000 to 40,000. I am inclined to think from 2,000 to 3,000 are actually engaged. Appearances indicate an organized attempt to take advantage of the absence of military force.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 13, 1863--9.30 p.m.
(Received 11.45 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The situation is not improved since dark. The programme is diversified by small mobs chasing isolated negroes as hounds would chase a fox. I mention this to indicate to you that the spirit of mob is loose, and all parts of the city pervaded. The Tribune office has been attacked by a reconnoitering party, and partially sacked. A strong body of police repulsed the assailants, but another attack in force is threatened. The telegraph is especially sought for destruction. One office has been burned by the rioters, and several others compelled to close. The main office is shut, and the business transferred to Jersey City.
        In brief, the city of New York is to-night at the mercy of a mob, whether organized or improvised, I am unable to say. As far as I can learn, the firemen and military companies sympathize too closely with the draft resistance movement to be relied upon for tim extinguishment of fires or the restoration of order. It is to be hoped that to-morrow will open upon a brighter prospect than is promised to-night.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington, July 14, 1863--1 a.m.

EDWARD S. SANFORD,
New York:

SIR: Your telegram of 9.30 just received. Please report to me immediately--1st. Whether any and what military force has been called out or employed by the city authorities or the drafting officers. 2d. What amount of injury has been done, so far as you know, to persons and to property. 3d. What measures, if any, have been taken by military or police authority to quell the riot.

EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

NEW YORK, July 14, 1863.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: It was impossible to answer your questions fully. I gave you such information as I could get at headquarters. Several conflicts have taken place to-day, with more serious results than those of yesterday, which were principally confined on the side of the police to severe injuries. Three arsenals were attacked to-day by the rioters. At two points they were repulsed. At the third they were successful, and obtained possession of the arms, which were recaptured by the marines and regulars.
        This morning nearly all the manufactories were visited by delegations from the rioters, who compelled the men to stop, work. This adds to the number and somewhat to the strength of the mob. The mayor has turned over his power and forces to Governor Seymour, who is about issuing a proclamation. Have sent to headquarters for statement of facts, as far as known, and will forward immediately on reception. An immense crowd has gathered around the Evening Post office since I commenced this message. As yet they are undemonstrative. General Wool s message has arrived, but gives no further information. Will try my own resources. My opinion is that one good regiment of native-born troops, well commanded, arriving here by 12 o clock to-night, would save the assay office, sub-treasury, and other Government property.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK CITY, July 14, 1863.
(Received 12.30 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: Have seen General Wool. All the military which he can reach has been called for, but it now numbers only about 800 troops. These are aided by nearly 2,000 police. Governor Seymour has arrived, and General Wool reports him as co-operating heartily. He has called out several regiments, and General Wool has sent to New Jersey for two regiments; but, as far as I can see, the means of defense are entirely inadequate to control the present force of rioters.
        The military had a collision with the mob in Thirty-fourth street an hour ago, and used ball-cartridge. Result not reported. The rioters are now (12 o'clock) in possession of Mayor Opdyke's house, and destroying it.
        The chances appear to me to be against the immediate restoration of order in the city of New York. Will keep you advised of situation.

E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 14, 1863--2.40 p.m.
(Received 4.30 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: You may judge of the capacity at headquarters here when every effort cannot extract any more information than I have forwarded. Excuse me for saying that this mob is testing the Government nearly as strongly as the Southern rebellion. If you cannot enforce the draft here, it will not be enforced elsewhere. The example will prove contagious, and similar events transpire in every large city. If you send sufficient force here to demonstrate the power of the Government, its effect will reach every part of the country, and one settlement answer for the whole.
        Immediate action is necessary, or the Government and country will be disgraced.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 14, 1863.
(Received 5.10 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON.

        SIR: It is reported from Boston that at 3 o'clock this afternoon a large body of armed men had assembled in North street to resist the draft. No details of the situation were received. I find it impossible to get any definite information from newspaper offices, police stations, or headquarters, of affairs here.

E. S. SANFORD.

WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington, July 14, 1863--6.20 p.m.

Maj. E. S. SANFORD,
New York:

        SIR: The Government will be able to stand the test, even if there should be a riot and mob in every ward of every city. The retreat of Lee's army, now in a rout and utterly broken, will leave an ample force at the disposal of the Government.

EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

NEW YORK, July 14, 1863.
(Received 8.40 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: We are expecting momentarily that our Southern wires will be cut, as the rioters are at work in their immediate neighborhood. It seems very important for the United States Government to define its position immediately in this city, and, if not done immediately, the opportunity will be lost. Governor Seymour has been sent for to come here immediately, and he is on his way. The police so far report themselves as having been successful in every fight, of which they have had many, but they say they are exhausted, and cannot much longer sustain the unequal contest. Not less than 10,000 good native soldiers ought to be here this moment to restore and enforce order.

E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 15, 1863.
(Received 3 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: Have just returned from headquarters. Saw General Wool and Governor Seymour. The latter informed me that he had heard of organizations at Newark and Jersey City to prevent the passage of troops, and requested me to inform the Seventh Regiment. I learn from Philadelphia that this regiment will not reach there till 4 o'clock, which will make it due here about to-morrow morning. There does not seem to be any one here who is attending to these matters. Some one should superintend the transportation. If troops are to come in any numbers, all the equipments of the roads should be put on the Amboy line, which can be easily guarded, and boats enough sent from here to Amboy. The troops can land from on board boats at any desired point, and under cover of gunboats, if necessary.
        The situation does not appear to me to improve. There are indications of riotous organizations at all points from which we hear. The settling place is New York, and, once determined here, all is fixed.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 15, 1863.
(Received 6.20 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The following message just received from the manager of our Boston office. It came from New Rochelle by horse-power, our lines up to that point being destroyed. There was a considerable riot last night at Staten Island, and there are indications of outbreaks at Brooklyn and Williamsburg:

BOSTON, July 15, 1863--6.20 p.m.

Col. E. S. SANFORD :

        SIR: Considerable excitement and gathering of people at North End yesterday; some fighting. Two police injured. Two companies regulars ordered up from Fort Independence; also two companies artillery from Readville. About 8 p.m. crowd made an attack on armory in Cooper street. All window glass demolished by brickbats. Troops fired a round of blank cartridges, and made a bayonet charge on mob, which retreated toward Charlestown street. Troops returned to armory, crowd following. A disturbance more intense. Large breach made in door of armory, which was then thrown open, and 6-pounder brass field pieces, loaded with canister shot, discharged full in the crowd. One man killed and several wounded. The crowd still refusing to leave, infantry marched out by platoons, and fired. One man and one woman killed by this discharge, and several wounded. Cooper street was then cleared.
        Later in evening a battalion of dragoons formed line in Cooper street. Part of the crowd assembled at Dock Square, and a hardware store was broken into. Police fired fifteen or twenty shots.
        At 8.40 p.m. alarm bells were rung, and another squad of police sent to Dock Square, which succeeded in keeping it clear until arrival of dragoons and company of infantry.
        At 10 p.m. dragoons returned to Cooper street, the disturbance in Dock Square being quelled.
        At 12.30 armory discovered to be on fire, but was saved from destruction by military. The Forty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment notified to assemble at their armory at 6 this morning.

G. F. MILLIKEN.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 15, 1863.
(Received 9.15 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The situation of affairs here is quite as critical this morning as at any former time. As far as I can learn, there has not yet been much serious fighting, but the rioters are gathered in large crowds at various points, and for the first time making their appearance down town in the back streets. Whatever assistance is to come here, should have precedence over all other railroad arrangements.

E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK,
July 16, 1863.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The situation is evidently improved. Cars and omnibuses are running. The Hudson River Railroad has been relaid, and trains have come in and gone out without molestation. Laborers have resumed work at various points, and the lower part of the city presents its usual appearance.
        The fighting last night was quite severe. At one time the mob had the best of it, and possession of our dead and wounded, including 2 officers of the Duryea Zouaves, killed, and Colonel [Edward] Jardine, severely wounded. General Brown sent all the force at his disposal. He retook the position, and brought off the dead and wounded. There were killed in this contest about 15 of our men and about 25 of the rioters. The mob were armed, organized, and fired at the word of command.
        General Brown has now, including the Seventh Regiment, about 1,400 men under his command. He thinks the force for his special purposes should be increased to 3,000. It is impossible to ascertain how many troops there are here, owing to the conflict of authority under which each officer will report those belonging to himself and all the others. Yesterday one officer received, at nearly the same time, five conflicting orders from as many commanders-in-chief. There is no danger of getting too many troops here of the right kind. The indications, to my mind, are that the rioters are resting and organizing. They have got arms to a considerable extent, and use them pretty well. The agrarian mania has taken a strong hold of a certain class, and the cry of contrast between rich and poor is loudly raised. Every city and town that we hear from is effervescing. Philadelphia seems the most quiet, but, if once started, will be the most dangerous.
        I have taken care that all press dispatches which went out this morning conveyed the right impression. The strong hand tightly grasped here will be felt all over the Union. When you have given us a leader, and he has 10,000 men at his command, the country will be safe.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 16, 1863.
(Received 7.10 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: There has been no fighting to-day of any consequence. The gatherings of excited people are confined at present to a small section of the upper part of the city.
        I anticipate a renewal of trouble to-night, both here and in Brooklyn.
        Advices from all quarters indicate that resistance to the draft will be made the pretext for rioting in nearly every large town in the country.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 17, 1863.
(Received 10.50 a.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The situation this morning is similar to yesterday. Business is going forward in most parts of the city. No further attack has been made on our telegraph wires, and we are in connection with Boston.
        The rioters made a harder fight last night than at any previous time, but were thoroughly whipped.
        I will endeavor to obtain and transmit more detailed information.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK, July 17, 1863.
(Received 2.07 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: Police Commissioner [Thomas C.] Acton reports that in a fight last night near Gramercy Park, the soldiers got the worst of it, and were driven back, leaving one of their number killed. Captain Putnam, of the regulars, started with two companies, and thoroughly routed the rioters, killing from 15 to 25, taking 16 prisoners, and bringing off the body of the sergeant, which was left at the first fight.
        Police Commissioner Acton desires to make a special request for the promotion of Captain Putnam, Company F, Twelfth U.S. Infantry, this being the second time that he has encountered and overcome the rioters after they had gotten the better of our troops under other officers.
        No disturbance has occurred this morning in any part of the city.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

WASHINGTON, D. C.,
July 17, 1863--3.40 p.m.

Police Commissioner ACTON,
New York City:

        SIR: The courage and gallantry of Captain Putnam, of the Twelfth Infantry, and of the soldiers of his command, against the rebel rioters in New York, has been unofficially communicated to this Department. Suitable acknowledgment will be made as soon as an official report is received. In the meantime, please to communicate to him, and the officers and soldiers who have acted under him, the thanks of this Department.
        Your board will also please report all cases of gallantry and courage that may come to your knowledge, by officers or privates, in order that the Department may make proper acknowledgment.

EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

NEW YORK, July 17, 1863--3.45 p.m.
(Received 3.50 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: Up to this hour the city continues very quiet. The following is a synopsis of the remarks by Archbishop Hughes up to 2.45 p.m.:

I do not address you as the President, nor as a military commander, nor as the mayor, but as your father. You know that for years back I have been your friend I have stood by: you with my voice and with my pen. Now, as to the causes of this unhappy excitement. Some of your grievances I know are imaginary ones, though, unfortunately, many are real. Yet know of no country under the sun that has not more cause for a just complaint than we have in this.

        The archbishop, who is in excellent voice, has entire control of the sympathies of the crowd of three or four thousand people.

Respectfully,
E. S. SANFORD.

NEW YORK CITY, July 18, 1863--1.30 p.m.
(Received 1.45 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

        SIR: The plunder rioting is suppressed for the present, but there are strong indications of a formidable and widespread organization to resist the taking away of conscripts under the draft. This organization assumes a party aspect, and extends to the military of the city who are subject to draft. The party supposed to be most interested in sustaining the Government and draft, and the property-holders, show no intention to prepare for the emergency or to fight when it comes.
        I give you this information, obtained by personal observation, to enable you to appreciate the position, and trust you will not consider it officious.

E. S. SANFORD.

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